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THIS ESSAY REPORTS on the discovery of a portion of a "jade," or greenstone, plaque in the depths of Lake Güija, El Salvador. The fragment, hereafter termed "the plaque" for convenience, is in good condition, excepting some breaks and abrasions, and is important for its partial text and iconography, which date to the middle years of the Early Classic Period (ca. 8.19.0.0.0 to 9.1.0.0.0, or A.D. 416 to 465). Of further interest is the unusual provenience of the stone: it was found at some distance from the Maya Lowlands, where it was undoubtedly produced, and in the direction of Costa Rica. The latter area is known to contain, among its archaeological remains, greenstone objects of similar origin, date, form, and pattern of reworking and reuse (Balser 1974, 1980; Stone 1977), although there is little comparable evidence of Maya "jades" between Costa Rica and the southeastern periphery of the Maya Area (Fig. 1). The Lake Güija plaque helps, however slightly, to fill that gap, perhaps attesting to one of the routes by which Maya exotics passed to lower Central America.
        The Lake Güija plaque was found in 1983, when diver Ernesto Ferreiro Rusconi encountered the piece while groping through thick lake sediments off the tip of Igualtepeque Peninsula (Fig. 2, inset). Ferreiro did not report the precise discovery spot, but did mention that it lay some three meters below the surface of the lake. He subsequently lent the piece to the

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Museo Nacional David J. Guzmán in San Salvador, where it was recorded and studied. The plaque is now in the collection of Pablo Tesak.
        The Güija plaque probably came from the archaeological site on the Igualtepeque Peninsula (Longyear 1944; Boggs 1976, 1977; Amaroli n.d.). That site consists of a series of terraces supporting platforms of stone and earth; similarities to Postclassic sites near Lake Güija suggest that Igualtepeque is largely of the same date (Amaroli n.d.) (Note 1). The summit of the peninsula is level and supports a pyramid with altar. Around these features occur an undetermined number of smaller buildings and a wall built of fieldstone (Longyear 1944: Fig. 13). It was here, perhaps, that Garcia de Palacio (1983:82) reported "sacrifices and idolotries" during his visit to the lake in the 1570s.
        The date of the deposition of the plaque is uncertain. Postclassic remains at Igualtepeque would suggest a late date, perhaps as part of a pattern of lake offerings. But there is another possibility. Palynological studies indicate that Lake Güija began to form only about 1,000 years ago, possibly after lava dammed a river valley (Tsukada & Deevey 1967:318-323). As a result, the plaque may have come from a Late Classic site now inundated by the lake, or from a Classic site deeply buried beneath Postclassic remains. Such an explanation would account for the

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complete lack of Late Classic sites on the shore of Lake Güija, which perhaps long ago covered earlier remains (Boggs 1977; Amaroli n.d.).

The Lake Güija plaque measures 8.5 cm. in length, 6.5 cm. in width, and 0.6 cm. in thickness (Fig. 3). It is carved from a dense metamorphic stone of greenish black hue, and discolored by a vein of quartz. When discovered, the plaque appeared to have been freshly broken, but further exploration failed to recover the bottom half. The break along the top edge is probably ancient, since abrasion there has softened the remaining part of a central, biconical perforation that was probably once used for suspension. Other abrasions appear on the sides, as though for lashing (compare Gallenkamp & Johnson 1985: P1. 31). A shallow depression above the first cartouche on the verso may represent an attempt to drill a hole after the plaque fractured.
        The lines incised on the plaque are exceptionally fine, ranging from minute scratches to lines about 0.5 mm. in width. The only lapse in expertise appears on the verso, where the

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artist-engraver found it difficult to carve the upper cartouche evenly. That line, as well as the one defining the lower cartouche, has been partially worn away, presumably by handling.
        The Güija plaque invites comparison to the famed Leyden Plaque—or "Leyden Plate," as it is sometimes called (Morley & Morley 1938)—and with two "celts" recently taken from Guatemala (Berjonneau, Deletaille, & Sonnery 1985: Pls. 330-333). These are thin, ovoid pieces of highly polished greenstone that have been perforated for suspension. It is generally accepted that such objects were suspended from belts, specifically from carved effigy heads, of which several have been documented (see Proskouriakoff 1974: P1. 60,1). Pieces of this type, when ornamented by incising, tend to feature an image on one face and a glyphic text on the other. The image is usually that of a standing figure facing viewer's left; the text is usually in vertical, columnar arrangement or in sets of glyphs enclosed by cartouches. Most objects of this type from Costa Rica are reworked versions of belt plaques, frequently with glyphic cartouches, but intentionally cut in two along the central vertical axis, thus negating the original intelligibility of both image and text (Balser 1974: P1. 14; 1980: Pls. 42-45; and Stone 1977: Fig. 78g, 226).

        The figure incised on the recto of the plaque wears an elaborate costume. The headdress is zoomorphic, with at least one water lily lashed beneath it. Another lily surmounts the inverted head to the rear of the headdress. The collar and sharply angled "bib" closely resemble the designs on plaques from Costa Rica (Balser 1980: Pls. 42-43.)
        The partial text is difficult to interpret. We wish only to point out that the glyph at B3 (Fig. 4) is probably the name of the lord portrayed, for the same name appears in the headdress of the figure, directly above the zoomorph.
        A good case can be made for a northern Peten origin for the Güija plaque. Related pieces, such as the Leyden Plaque and a slate disk from Costa Rica (Stone 1977: Fig. 84), can be attributed to that region with some assurance, and it seems reasonable that the Güija plaque can be so assigned as well (Note 2). This, of course, can be demonstrated only with specific textual evidence.
        Most of the Costa Rican plaques were carved during the middle of the Early Classic Period, as probably was the piece from Lake Güija. The Güija plaque may be more precisely dated by its close similarity to a Costa Rican jade inscribed with a Period Ending date—9.0.8.0.0 (?) (Balser 1974:Pl. 14). It is far more difficult to date the time of the appearance of the Güija plaque at Igualtepeque, although evidence from Costa Rica may help resolve the problem.
        Baudez and Coe (1966:443) believe that some Maya artifacts arrived in Costa Rica shortly after the time of their manufacture—that is, during the middle part of the Early Classic Period. In our opinion, this argument is not convincing. Most plaques of this type seem not to have been trinkets for trade, but rather served as the regalia of rulers, an interpretation strengthened by their occasional textual references to royal accession (see Balser 1974: Pl. 14; 1980: 44a). Dynastic treasures of this sort make unlikely trade goods, at least during the time when the ruler was alive or memory of him strong. A more compelling explanation is that the pieces arrived sometime during the late part of the Early Classic Period, at which time they were reworked to the satisfaction of their new owners. Such trade might be related to the first glyphic texts in the archaeological record of the Motagua Valley of Guatemala, at sites not far from Lake Güija (Jones 1983). Perhaps this is when the Güija plaque—so similar to the Costa Rican jades in form and carving—arrived in present-day El Salvador.
        As a final observation, Lake Güija is ideally situated for trade between the Motagua Valley—an area intensively used by the Lowland Maya—and El Salvador and beyond. It lies in relatively gentle terrain that affords an easy passage across the continental divide. Conceivably,

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some of the Costa Rican plaques passed through the Güija region on their way to lower Central America. Further research needs to be done to determine the role of Igualtepeque in such trade.

1. This date is substantiated by surface material on the peninsula, which attests to occupation between the Early Postclassic and possibly the Protohistoric Periods. The discovery by scuba divers of several Postclassic artifacts, including two incense burners (Boggs 1976) and a copper ring, reinforces this dating.

2. The Costa Rican disk appears to mention a lord from the site of El Peru: K'INICH BALAM, wa-k(a) AHAW.